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Savoury dish 



LOYAL MEN 



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PHILADELPHIA: 

PRINTED FOR GRATUITOUS DISTRIBUTION 

1^:63. 




CONTENTS. 



LETTERS FROM GENERAL ROSECRANS. 

GOV. CANNON'S MESSAGE AND 
PROCLAMATION. 

ARGUMENTS FROM AN OLD DEMOCRAT. 

SPEECH OF HON. D. S. DICKINSON. 

LESSONS OF THE PAST : 

SHALL WK IIKKI) TllKM ? 

THE Aimr AND THE COPPERHEADS. 



SAVOURY DISH 



LOYAL MEN. 




PHILADELPHIA: 
PRINTED FOR GRATUITOUS DISTRIBUTION. 

18G3. 






H^ CAUTIONARY NOTE. 

When nurses prepare food for the sick, they often conceal 
some of the ingredients lest the patient should have a distaste 
of them, and thus render the dish unpalatable. In dealing 
with those of a good constitution and sound health, we run no 
risk in letting them know what is set before them. 

A true patriot who prefers liberty to bondage, union to divi- 
sion, honorable war to infamous peace, his country to his party, 
will relish and grow strong from what is served up to him on 
this dish. 

To those who are suffering under the rabid influence of dis- 
loyalty, or from the venomous bite of the copperhead, such fare 
is too rich. It would disagree with their stomachs. They 
should avoid evcrj'thing, stimulating, and expose themselves as 
little as possible to free air, until their appetite for what is 
patriotic and American is in a degree restored. 






NOBLE LETTER FROM GEN, ROSECRANS. 

On Tuesday last, in the Ohio Logislature, a message was 
received from the Governor, enclosing the following letter from 
General Rosecrans : 

Head-Quarters, Department of the Cumberland, I 

MURFREESBORO', TENNESSEE, Feb. 3, 18G3. J 

To the Honorable the General Assembly of the State of Ohio : 

The resolution of thanks passed by your lionorable body to 
the Army of the Cumberland, its Commanding General and 
his staff, has been duly received, and published to the troops 
of his command. On behalf of all, I return you heartfelt 
thanks. 

This is, indeed, a war for the maintenance of the Constitu- 
tion and the laws — nay, for national existence — against thoso 
who have despised our honest friendship, deceived our just 
hopes, and driven us to defend our country and our homes. 
By foul and willful slanders on our motives and intentions, 
persistently repeated, they have arrayed against us our own 
fellow-citizens, bound to us by the triple ties of consanguinity, 
geographical position, and commercial interest. 

Let no man among us be base enough to forget this, or fool 
enough to trust an oligarchy of traitors to their friends, to 
civil liberty and human freedom. Voluntary exiles from home 
and friends, for the defence and safety of all, we long for the 
time when gentle peace shall again spread her wings over our 
land ; but we know no such blessing is possible while the unjust 
and arbitrary power of the rebel leaders confronts and threatens 
us. Crafty as the fox, cruel as the tiger, they cried, " No 
coercion," while preparing to strike us. Bully like, they pro- 
posed to fight us, because they said they could whip five to one ; 
and now, when driven back, they whine out, ''No invasion," 
and promise us of the West permission to navigate the Missis- 
sippi, if we will be "good boys," and do as they bid us. 

Whenever they have the power, they drive before them into 
their ranks the Southern people, and they would also drive 
us. Trust them not. Were they able, they would invade and 
destroy us without mercy. Absolutely assured of these things, 
I am amazed that any one could think of " peace on any terms." 
He who entertains the sentiment is fit only to be a slave ; he 
who utters it at this time is, moreover, a traitor to his country, 
who deserves the scorn and contempt of all honorable men. 



"When the power of the unscrupulous rebel leaders is removed, 
and the people are free to consider and act for their own 
interests, which are common with ours, under this Government, 
there will be no great difficultj in fraternization. Between 
our tastes and social life there are fewer differences than be- 
tween those of the people of the Northern and Southern Pro- 
vinces of England or Ireland. 

Hoping the time may speedily come, when the power of the 
perfidious and cruel tyrant of this rebellion having been over- 
thrown, a peace may be laid on the broad foundation of national 
unity and eijual justice to all, under the Constitution and Laws, 
I remain your fellow-citizen, 

W. S. ROSECRANS, 3fajor- General 



ANOTHER LETTER FROM GENERAL ROSECRANS. 

He does not believe in Syren Songs of Peace. 

General Rosecraxs has written the following letter to the 
Cincinnati Common Council : 

Head-Quarters, Department of the Cumberland, \ 

Murfreesboro\ Tenn. j 

Gentlemen : — I have just received and read the resolutions 
passed at your meeting on the IGth inst., complimenting this 
army, the Ohio troops, and the Commanding General, for their 
bravery displayed at the battle of Stone's River. 

On behalf of this noble army and its gallant leaders, I accept 
this expression of your sympathy and praise, with pride, and 
all the more heartfelt because you are my fellow-citizens ; and 
your words touch me by their tones of friendly sincerity, while 
they fill my thoughts with the sweet memories of home, for the 
safety of which, and each of you, we, who are far away, are 
willing to lay down our lives. 

M;iy no syren song of peace, founded on the delusive hopes 
of honor, truth, or justice of the rebel leaders, induce us to 
peril both honor and the safety of our homes. If never per- 
mitted to enjoy those dear homes ourselves, we will at least 
endeavor to leave them safe and free, under the Constitution 
and Laws, to our posterity. 

I have the honor, gentlemen, to remain, with great respect, 
your obedient servant, 

W. S. ROSECRANS, 3Iajor-aencral: 
To the Honorable Mayor and Common Council, Cincinnati, 

Ohio. 



Gov. Cannon's Message and Proclamation. 

State of Delaware, Exkcutivk Dhi'aktment, 
March Sa, 18G3. 
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of 

Delaware in General Assemble/ met : 

The passage by the General Assembly of the Act entitled, 
" An Act to prevent illegal arrests in this State," renders it 
proper that 1 should briefly communicate my views and purpose 
in relation to it. 

It is with regret that I differ with the General Assembly in 
reference to the policy of the State upon any subject, or tliat 
I should feel compelled to decline co-operation with a co-ordi- 
nate branch of the Government in carrying out any measure 
which, in its judgment, is promotive of the public welfare. 

!My duty, however, is too plainly laid down to be mistaken, 
and the obligation I have assumed too solemn to be disregarded 
and too imperative to admit of hesitation. Had I any desire 
to shrink from its fulfilment, the views which I had the lionor 
to submit to you in my Inaugural Address are too recent to 
have escaped my remembrance. 

The preamble of the Act refers to the Constitution of the 
United States, as providing that no person shall " be deprived 
of life, liberty, or property without due process of law," but it 
ought also to have been recollected that the same Constitution 
provides that, in case of rebellion or invasion, the privilege of 
the writ of habeas corpus may be suspended when the public 
safety requires it, and the dangerous person may be arrested 
and held without bail or mainprize. 

This provision overrides the Constitution of the State of 
Delaware or any statute that may be enacted by her Legis- 
lature. 

To whom the right to decide when the exigency has hap- 
pened requiring the exercise of the power of suspension is a 
question of Constitutional construction upon which jurists 
differ. That it is a necessary power is admitted. That it 
exists, there can be no doubt. AVhoever is invested with* the 
power to suspend, is the sole judge of the occasion of its 
exercise. Being incidental to the general duty of the 
enforcement of the laws and now callled into exercise 
for the suppression of armed insurrection, I am satisfied 
that it properly belongs to the National Executive, and in my 
official acts, I shall regard it as vested in the President of the 
United States. 



6 

The preservation of the Government is the highest duty of 
those charged ■with its administration, and the personal liberty 
of the individiKil is only to be regarded when compatible with 
its safety. Tliat the citizen should have the right fairly to 
discuss public measures is true. That the people should be 
permitted peaceably to assemble and petition for a redress of 
grievances is undeniable. But there is a wide difference be- 
tween the exercise of this right and the disloyal opposition 
which proceeds from sympathy with a public enemy. The 
former supposes that all parties are well affected towards the 
common Government, and differ only as to the mode of its ad- 
ministration. The latter is based upon hostility to existing 
institutions and aims at their forcible subversion. The idea, 
that the Government is bound to await the development of a 
conspiracy until the actors shall have perfected their plans 
and committed some overt act necessary to bring them within 
the technical definition of treason, is, to my mind, absurd. The 
object is not punishment but prevention. That the power is 
liable to abuse is true ; all discretionary powers, necessarily, are 
so. To decide against its existence because it is capable of 
excess would destroy all human government. The best mode 
to avoid liability to arrest is to be faithful. No man who 
is truly and unequivocally loyal has ever been in danger of 
being molested by the National Government. 

Still it is possible that arrests may be improperly and unad- 
visedly made ; and while it is my duty to co-operate with the 
General Government in the maintenance of its authorit}'-, I 
Avill at the same time, to the extent of my power, protect 
peaceable and loyal citizens, whatever may be their political 
sentiments. While, however, such is my purpose in relation 
to them, it is also my duty to take care that the State of Dela- 
ware shall not be made the refuge of foreign traitors or do- 
mestic conspirators. 

That there has been from the beginning of the rebellion, a 
considerable number of our people ready to participate in armed 
resistance to the lawful authorities, whenever a fair oppor- 
tunity should occur, I have no doubt. Sympathy with the 
Southern States in insurrection, is sympathy with the over- 
throw of the National Government. No man can hear with 
gratification of a reverse to our arms who is not, at heart, a 
traitor. 

My predecessor, in an ofiicial communication, expressed the 
opinion that "a majority of our citizens, if n<)t in all of our 
counties, at least in the two lower ones, sympathize with the 
South." Without admitting the correctness of his estimate of 



numbers, I do not doubt of the existence of wide-spread dis- 
affection. That there has been no outbreak here is the residt 
of Avant of opportunity. It is the duty of the Executive not 
only of the United States, but of this State, to take care that 
no opportunity shall be afforded. If to secure the public 
peace, arid to prevent insurrection, it becomes necessary to 
arrest any individual within this State, whether he be a citizen 
or a non-resident, I will not only assent to the act, but will 
maintain it. 

Invested by the Constitution with no power of veto or re- 
view of the action of the Legislature, the Governor ha,s a 
general control over the operation of criminal enactments, and 
such control I will exercise to its uttermost extent to protect 
any person acting under the authority of the President of the 
United States, or any citizen aiding such person in bringing 
to light any conspiracy, or in arresting any one guilty of dis- 
loyal practices or treasonable designs against the Government. 

I shall issue my proclamation in conformity with these views, 
giving to the people of the State of Delaware information of 
my intended action. 

William Cannon. 



PROCLAMATION. 

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF DELAWARE. 

In a special Message, communicated to the General Assembly 
on the third day of March instant, I informed that body of my 
purpose to issue my Proclamation in relation to the Act en- 
titled "An Act to prevent illegal arrests in this State," and 
therein briefly set forth the reasons which impelled me to this 
conclusion. 

Its provisions are at variance with the interest of the State 
— calculated to lessen the estimation in which her people are 
held, as faithful to the Government of the United States — to 
embolden those who sympathize with rebellion and to dis- 
courage loyal men from the performance of their duty in dis- 
covering and thwarting the designs of the emissaries of treason. 
To the end therefore that the evil operation of the enactment 
may be averted, and loyal citizens may feel secure in their 
efforts atrainst foreign traitors and domestic conspirators: 

I, WILLIAM CANNON, Governor of the State of 
Delaware, do, by this my Proclamation, enjoin ui)on the 
good people of this State, that they hold true allegiance to the 
Government of the United States as paramount to the State uf 
Delaware, and that they obey the constituted authorities 



8 

thereof before the Legislature of the State of Delaware or any 
otiier human authority ■whatsoever. 

I further enjoin, that they he vigilant in detecting any con- 
spiracy against the National Government, and diligent in pre- 
venting aid and comfort to the public enemy — that they 
promptly assist the National magistracy ■whenever invoked, 
and that they freely communicate any information which may 
the better enable it to prevent or suppress insurrection or to 
intercept supplies designed for those in arms against its au- 
thority ; and any one so acting, I Avill save harmless from the 
operation of the Statute aforesaid or of any other Statute of 
like nature, that may be enacted, so far as it shall be at- 
tempted to be enforced against him for faithfully discharging 
his duty to his country. 

, — ^■- — , In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand 
j ^ \ and caused the Great Seal of the said State to 

\ ■ ■ j be affixed at Dover this eleventh day of March, 
^— v--^ in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
dred and sixty-three, and of the Independence 
of said State the eighty-seventh. 

WILLIAM CANNON. 
Bj the Governor, 
N. B. Smithers, 
Secretary of State. 



AN ARGUMENT FROM AN OLD DEMOCRAT. 

We find the following letter, from an old Democrat, in the 
Washington Chronicle. It meets the question of the rebellion 
so fairly that we think it worthy of reproduction : 

As to our public affairs, I can well imagine that any one in 
H, foreign land, who should read the accounts of our military 
failures, and the speeches of semi-traitors in Congress and else- 
where, might despair of success in our contest with rebellion ; 
but I have not lost "one jot of heart or hope." Just see how 
we stand. It is almost amazing that with few decided victories, 
several apparently disastrous defeats, and many repulses, the 
Union cause has all the time made, like the moving glacier, a 
slow but resistless advance. Contrast our situation with that 
of the rebels. AVc have gained nearly all of Tennessee, sub- 
stantially all of Kentucky, Missouri, and INIaryhind, a great 
part of Virginia, Louisiana, and Florida, and have impregnable 



9 

positions in Arkansas, Mississippi, North and South Carolina. 
Marj'land and Missouri are at this moincnt as loyal as Vermont. 
The people of the loyal States were never rielier in all llic ele- 
ments ot -wealth and prosperity. Ph'ntiful crops have rewarded 
the husbandman ; mechanics and artisans find full employment 
at fair Av ages ; commerce is wonderfully active, and manufac- 
tories declare unexampled dividends. Many articles of neces- 
sity and luxury are somewhat varied in price, but so slightly 
that the difference in the cost of living is hardly noticed ; while 
employment for the laboring classes has been so steady and re- 
munerative, that our poorhouscs have never contained so few 
inmates as during the past two years, and no complaint of 
"hard times" comes from any of our cities. "With the rebels, 
the prices show that the direst destitution prevails in every- 
thing but the coarsest food and clothing, and even these are at 
prices that place them almost beyond the reach of the poor. 

I copied a few days ago the following prices at Mobile, and 
they are no less at Richmond : flour $oO to $50 a barrel ; tea 
^12 to $15 per lb. ; coffee $3 to $5 per lb. ; molasses §5 a gal- 
lon ; potatoes $3 to $4 a bushel ; poor tallow candles oO cents 
a piece ; salt 65 cents per lb. ; flannel $10 a yard ; shoes $15 
to $25 a pair ; boots $50 to $65 a pair ; soap $1 25 per lb. ; 
spool cotton thread $1 25 a spool ; kerosene oil $20 a gallon, 
and other articles in proportion. These are but samples of 
the lowest prices for the necessaries of life in unhappy Secessia, 
and as the cost has increased, the ability of tiie impoverished 
inhabitants to pay has diminished. I should honor the persis- 
tent spirit of the rebels under great privation, if it were not 
exhibited in such an infamous cause ; but human endurance 
cannot sustain want and calamity forever. With all their 
successes, distress and ruin draw nearer and nearer to their 
households, and after every victory they have gained, the fruits 
of victory seem to have melted in their grasp. It is enough to 
fill us with wonder and awe, for never was the hand of the 
Almighty more visibly shown than in this war. I have been 
all my adult life a pro-slavery Democrat ; not in favor of the 
" institution" j:;er se, but willing to let it alone, or even extend 
it, so far as the Constitution would allow it to be done. I now 
know that God has permitted our defeats as the wisest, surest 
way to burst the bonds of the slave, and let the eternal sun- 
shine of freedom gild all our land. Had we been decidedly 
successful in any of our great battles, and brought the rebels 
at once to submission, the revolted States would have como 
back with slavery unimpaired and probably even strength- 
ened. And see how uear to a great victory we have been iu 



10 

every great defeat, and what apparently trivial causes produced 
them all. At the first battle of Bull Run, a causeless panic 
after the enemy had commenced retreating ; at the battle of 
Fair Oaks, the failure to push on when we had in effect won 
the field ; at Antietam, by previously placing in command of 
the heights at Harper's Ferry, an ass and a traitor, who basely 
surrendered eleven thousand men and a strong position, with- 
out a fight, and by the subsequent failure to improve the 
advantages won at Antietam ; at the second Bull Run, the re- 
treat of our forces from Thoroughfare Gap at double quick, on 
the 28th of August, not having seen an enemy, but having fired 
furiously at nothing till our commander became panic-stricken 
at the sound of his own cannon ; the subsequent unopposed 
passage of Longstreet and all his forces, on the 29th, through 
the Gap which two thousand men should hold against the world ; 
his junction with Jackson in time to defeat us, with the aid of 
Fitz John Porter's inaction, on the SOtli ; at Fredericksburg, 
the failure of the pontoons to arrive in season. And yet every 
defeat struck a link from the fetters of the slave, and without 
every one of them the President's proclamation of freedom 
would not have been issued. Saving the noble blood that was 
i^hed upon the Union side, every battle was seemingly lost by 
all these defeats ; but after each the voice of the slave was 
heard, at first like a faint echo, but now loud and clear above 
the din of arms. A short time ago the idea of enlisting negro 
eoldiers was derided. Now we have several regiments of them, 
Bnd their SAvarthy forms , are thought to harmonize well with 
the smoke of battle. Our apparent disasters were fraught 
with a purpose of Infinite Wisdom, for whenever before did 
defeat bring strength, and victory weakness ? 

We have heretofore looked with some anxiety for the de- 
velopment of European opinion and policy in this contest. That 
anxiety exists no longer. Like the young lion in the fable, 
we have found out that we are strong, and we no more dread 
intervention or hostility. Within less than two years we have 
brought into the field upwards of twelve hundred and thirty 
thousand men, perfectly armed and equipped ; and we have now 
an army such as the world never saw before, with a navy equal 
to any on earth. Our small arms, artillery, mortars, and Dahl- 
grens almost defy enumeration. Yet all this warlike force and 
enginery has been brought into being without extraordinary 
effort, and the expense has scarcely touched the National re- 
sources. We have a reserve, constantly increasing, of more 
than eight hundred millions of dollars in specie in the country, 
and our finances have been managed with such ability by Mr. 



11 

Chase, that confidence in our pultlic securities is vastly greater 
tlian at the close of Mr, Buchanan's administration, and not a 
murmur is heard against the National paper currency, which 
passes as readily as gold ever did. It is also true that the 
strong common sense and straightforward honesty of the Presi- 
dent have proved a tower of strengtli with the people, and they 
trust him and his policy. 

As to the blockade, the representations made in Europe of 
its ineffectiveness are the effusions of stupidity or malice. The 
history of the world does not record another blockade equal in 
rigorand effectiveness to that which nowseals up Southern ports. 
Let Secessia speak for herself. Mr. Memmiiiger, the rebel 
Secretary of the Treasury, in his recent report, states that the 
whole amount of duties on foreign imports received in nearly 
two years, is only about six hundred thousand dollars, or less 
than the yearly income of many an English gentleman ! "With 
a high tariff, is not this a ludicrous result, and does it show 
that vessels with foreign cargoes easily elude the blockade? 
While European sympathizers prate of the inefficiency of the 
blockade, more honest rebeldora holds out in one hand a pair of 
boots labeled $50, in the other a spool of cotton labeled 
$1 50, and begs a pound of good tea for $15. If the blockade 
were not effective beyond all precedent, would cotton sell at 
Havana at seven hundred per cent, advance on the price at 
Charleston or Savannah, a few hundred miles off — almost within 
a day's sail ? It is certuMj possible for a vessel to pass in or 
out of a harbor Avithout discovery, on a dark night, within a 
hundred feet of a man-of-war ; but does that prove that block- 
ading ships must be nearer than one hundred feet to each other 
in order to have the blockade recognized as effective ? 



SPEECH OF HON. DANIEL S. DICKINSON, 

A life-long Democrat, but one Loyal to Ms Flag and Country. 

Among the speakers on Washington's Birthday, in New York, 
Feb. 22nd, was the Hon. Daniel S. Dickinson, "the old Demo- 
cratic War-Horse," and a supporter of Breckinridge at the 
last Presidential election. He now avows himself an uncom- 
promising union man, opposed to all terms with rebels, in 
favor of emancipation, and of employing negro soldiers. We 
copy a portion of his speech. 



12 

What shall the Empire State say ?v What shall the Empire 
State do in tliis emergency? There is no half-way liouse — 
there are no compromise measures here. There are two great 
antagonisms, a government and a rebellion, a govei'nment at 
Washington, a rebellion hatched in hell [cheers]. Where shall 
she cast her potential voice? She has taken up her position 
with the government which she helped to found, and of which 
she sits empress crowning this mighty court. AVo say, the 
Empire State shall say: War, uncompromising war [loud cheer- 
ing], war to the knife [continued nhoering], until the rebellion 
is put down [applause]. If a riot should arise in your city here, 
would our friend, the Mayor, send out an ambassador of peace, 
or would he send out the representatives of the law in their 
majesty to crush it down to darkness and to dust? [Cheers.] 
It is a question between the government and the rebellion. It 
has been nothing else, it is nothing else, and it never will be 
anything else ; and you may baptize it at the font of infidel 
politics as often as you choose, and when it comes out the same 
bastard of rebellion will be seen [hiughter and cheers]. But 
it is feared by the politicians that some incidents may be drawn 
in that may be uncomfortable. This reminds me of a trans- 
migration philosopher who begged a man to desist from the 
chastisement of a dog, for, he said he could recognize in its 
howl the voice of a deceased friend. There are a great many 
politicians, I think now, who the moment they hear slavery 
crying, believe they hear the voice of a deceased friend [loud 
laughter and applause]. Now, I have been one of those con- 
servative people, not according to the modern doctrine of con- 
servatism — for I was old-fashioned in my definition — but I was 
for letting the institution of slavery entirelyalone to work out its 
own problem under the guidance of a beneficent Providence — not 
interfering with it in any shape or manner, but leaving it to 
the localities where it existed, to be dealt with in their own 
time and way. When they said, Constitution, I said, Con- 
stitution." When they appealed to that as their shield, I 
invoked its protection for them. When they said, Powder, I 
said. Powder [applause]. And when they inquired, Wiio can 
make war upon the Beast ? I said the American people [cheer- 
ing]. I have had no anxieties upon this subject, except to 
afford them the shield of the Constitution, so long as they 
invoked it. But when they threw it away, when they resorted 
to arms, I said then. Put them down by the Avhole power of the 
Ameiican people [applause]. And I say so now [cheers]. 
I was an old-fftshioned Democrat, as you may remember. I 
am a Democrat now [applause] of the straightest sect. But a 



13 

great many who were Abolitionists when I Avas a Democrat 
— or tried to be if it paid well — now call me to account, and 
say I am radical, very radical, indeed, and they are con- 
servative. Well, I will admit tliey are conservative in one 
sense, and only one, and that is not the etymological or tech- 
nical sense, but it is the American sense, and that is, opposed 
to the Government and all its institutions and interests [;ip- 
plause]. They say I am radical. I a<]mit I am radical, if this 
is radicalism ; if they intend by this that I am for niakino; this 
cure complete, and thoiough, and effectual, then I am radical, 
for, being fairly in, I have an idea to sec this war fairly out. 
The question of Emancipation has become one of the questions 
of the day. It cannot be blinked any longer; and I have 
no disposition to get around it. 1 will meet it as I have always 
met questions. Many of you thought I ^\as on the wrong side ; 
but I always took one side. I never took both sides of any 
question [laughter and cheers]. I took the side of letting this 
question entirely alone, so long as they appealed to the Consti- 
tution ; when they threw that away, and repudiated it, I said 
as I say now — and I want the reporters to be sure to get me 
down — I speak for the benefit of political snenks generally 
[cheering] — I say that the only safe-guard of slavery was the 
recognition of the Constitution ; that the opinion of the woidd 
is against it; all the instincts of humanity and religion are 
against it ; tlie advance of civilization is against it ; the interests 
— cfforal, material, commercial and religious — of the country 
are all against it; and while I would prosecute the war solely 
and entirely for the purpose of putting down this rebcllTon, if 
slavery happens to go along with it, i will hold up both my 
hands and cry amen to putting them both down [great applause]. 



LESSONS OF THE PAST-SHALL WE HEED THEM, 

A WORD OF WARNING TO ALL LOYAL MEN, WHIGS, DEMOCRATS, 

REPUBLICANS, OR AVIIATEVER YOUR PARTY NAME HAS 

BEEN, TO UNITE IN SOLEMN LEAGUE TO CRUSH 

THE DISUNIONISTS. 

Three years ago there was as little prospect that our coun- 
try would be in its present condiiion as there is now that three 
years hence we shall be taking our hats oiT to a military despot. 



14 

There were, to be sure, Southern men who had for years 
avowed the hateful doctrine of secession, hut it seemed too ab- 
surd to be seriously contemplated. Nobody conceived that 
the high functionaries of the Government would basely betray 
the confidence of the people, and while we were flattering our- 
selves that the sullen spirit of revolt would not dare to exalt 
itself against the national arm, that arm itself was supporting 
rebellion and giving it the most formidable attitude. When at 
length all doubt of the design of the insurgents to sacrifice the 
life of the country upon the altar of a reckless ambition was 
dispelled, it was supposed that a summer campaign of a few 
thousand soldiers would bring them to terms and all things 
would fall back into the old routine. But we were too fast. 
The war soon assumed a terrific magnitude, and now the nation 
reels under the shock. We plainly see that we handled the 
plotters of secession too gingerly. We gave them either too 
much or too little rope — Old Hickory would say too little. We 
allowed our unprincipled politicians to dally with them for per- 
sonal or party ends, at the expense of the loyal and patriotic 
feeling of the country, and we are now reaping the conse- 
quences. 

We are at this moment in a position to profit by this dear- 
bought experience. There are two contending forces in the 
field — the conservative force or Union men, bent upon uphold- 
ing the government because it is the government, and the de- 
structive force or disloyal men, who are bent upon subverting 
it. To one or the other of these forces every citizen is lending 
his influence. In the nature of the case there can be no such 
thing as neutrality on a foot of American soil. Those who are 
not for the government are against it, and should be so regarded 
in all our estimates of character and strength. In our cities, 
and indeed throughout the loyal States, there are those who 
vilify the government and denounce its measures, counseling 
open or secret resistance to its authority. Loyal people are 
disposed to flatter themselves that no harm will come from it ; 
these " copperheads," as they call them, will bluster and 
threaten for a little while, and then wriggle themselves out of 
sight. Past experience ought to teach us better. A few hun- 
dred men, meeting together here and there, to be harangued 
by unprincipled demagogues, may not be regarded with much 
apprehension. But their ignorance is imposed upon, their 
worst passions are inflamed, they are imbued with a spirit of 
violence and misrule, and are prepared to act their part when 
the plot is sufficiently ripened to need their services. Are we 
wise to look upon such influences with indiflexcnce ? If no 



15 

other defence is practicable or safe, can we not bring public 
opinion to our aid, and make disloyalty as discreditable as it 
is mischievous ? 

One tiling is clear : the only way of accomplishing th« 
avowed purposes of disunionists is by revolution. The Jacobin 
doctrines that have been avowed with such effronetry of late 
contemplate nothing but this ; and the oidy course that can 
prevent their culminating in deadly conflict in our streets is the 
force of public opinion. Let these revolutionary doctrinen 
spread and t!ie North will become the theati'O of bloody strife, 
terminating in irretrievable ruin. If true Union men all over 
the country combine to support the Government, because it is 
the Government, rather than encounter the hoi-rors of anarcliy, 
or the equal horrors of an oligarchy with negro slavery for its 
corner-stone, disloyalty Avill disappear like the morning cloud 
and the early dew. There is more than loyalty enough in the 
country to save it, if it can but be concentrated. But in the 
absence of such concentration the spirit of disunion will grow 
and spread, and increase in audacity, till, like secession itself, 
it becomes too formidable for any moral power to cope with it. 
And then we shall witness scenes the mere description of which, 
in the annals of revolutionary France, chills the blood. We 
shall then wonder that, forewarned, we did not forearm our- 
selves, and by a timely rally everywhere of such as are true to 
the national banner, put to shame and silence its enemies and 
traducers. Let 'the loyal sentiment of the country be fairly 
represented, as it is beginning to be, and the disciples of seces- 
sion, of every stripe, would soon become as rare, north of Dixie, 
as frogs, toads, and snakes are in old Ireland. 



THE AEMY AND THE COPPERHEADS. 

A Voice from the One Hundred and Forty-nintli Pennsylvania Bucktails, ea- 
camped near Belle Plain, Virginia. 

Whereas, There is being nourished and encouraged among 
a certain class of politicians in the North a sentiment of oppo- 
sition to the Administration ; and, 

Whereas, This sentiment and such a course as those who 
adhere to it are pursuing, is, at this critical juncture, nothing 
less than treachery to the Crovernmcnt and intended encourage- 
ment to covert traitors in our front ; Therefore, 

Resolved, That we hold a cordial support and quick obedi- 
ence to the Administration to be the first duty of all, and the 
only doorway out of these troublous times ; therefore, we 



16 

earnestly entreat all citizens and all soldiers to support 
heartily and obey with alacrity all laws and orders coining 
from those charged Avith the adininistriition of our Government. 

Jtesolved, That we recognize the fearful struggle our country 
is now engnged in, as a struggle of freedom against slavery, 
riglit against wrong, of God against Satan; a7rd we Jiold those 
who are against the Administration as against the Government, 
against right, against the Constitution and the glorious liberties 
cf which it is the guarantee, and we brand them as traitors, 
while we assure them of our unmitigated hatred and contempt. 

llesolved, That the Emancipation Proclamation and the Con- 
scriptioa Act — those measures most odious to insidious peace 
men. Copperheads, and traitors under other titles — meet with 
our hearty approval, as measures dictated by the best adminis- 
trative wisdom and firmness, for the honest purpose and in the 
earnest effort to suppress rebellion, and save to posterity our 
noble Republican Government. 

Resolved, That the lying reports spread broadcast through- 
out the land, that the army of which we have the honor to 
form a part is demoralized and clamoring for peace, are but 
the base utterances of traitorous rogues, and do our gallant 
comrades in the field the grossest injustice. 

Resolved, That we are ready and Avilling to put forth every 
effort, endure every species of hardship and fatigue — do any- 
thing and everything required to suppress the accursed war 
no^v being waged against us ; that we have the fullest confi- 
dence in the present Administration and generals over us, and 
particularly of the Head of the army, Avith which we are imme- 
diarely connected. 

Resolved, That tee ivill never give up the noble cause in 
which we are noio engaged vntil, vnder the good guidance of 
kind Providence, treason and rebellion shall be banished from 
the Union of States, ivheii the old flag, doubly dear from its 
double b'tptism in the best blood of our land, shall again wave 
proudly ever all. 

'J'hu above i-esolutions were offered to the One Hundred and 
Forty-ninth Pennsylvania Bucktails, by Col. Walton Dwight, 
commanding, at dress parade, March 18, and were unanimously 
adopted by the rcg'ment. Speeches, appropriate and becoming 
the times, were made by Col. Dwight, Capts. John E. John- 
son, Brice H. Blair, E. S. Osborne, and others, the greatest 
enthusiasm prevailing. The regiment, numbering 795, rank 
and file, is eager for the decisive blow for the nation's honor 
and freemen's vindication, at any peril of life or fortune. 
D. Allkn, Sergeant-Major. 

One Hundred and Foity-uintli Pennsylvania Vols. 



«60 



CANNOT THE PEOPLE TAKE CARE OF THEMSELVES? 

Who \mt Abruhii lit Liitcu/ii in tlu- oxcc-utivt- cIimh? 

Was it not the peoi'LK of the United States V Was he not 
constitutionally clceted by the votes of the PEOPi.i!;, to execute 
the laws, and to sustain the dignity and power of the nation 
for the term of four years? Is there another ruler ujjori the 
globe that is so entirely the servant of the peoplk eni])lnycd 
to do their will ? 

Are not the Senators and Representatives in ('oiigre.-s the 
delegates whom the people have appointed to protect and 
promote their interests? Does not every individual in the 
employment of the General Government — civil, military, and 
naval, exercise an authority conferred on him by the people, 
through their representatives and agents at Washington ? Is 
not this very war in which Ave arc engaged, a war to uphold a 
free people's government against despotism and ai-bitrary 
power? AVould it have broken out if the people had not 
elected a President to suit themselves ? 

In a few months this President becomes a ])rivate citizen 
again, and does any body suppose that the people who put him 
there, and who will put his successor there when his term is out, 
are meanwhile forging chains and fetters to gall themselves ? 

If the people's President finds the muscU'S of his arm 
strengthened for the fierce conflict in which he is called to lead, 
is it not the spirit of the people that strengthens it ? 

Who does not know and feel that our danger lies in the 
opposite direction ? Who so likely to have an iron heel as 
those that seek to defeat the will of the people, and to establish 
themselves upon the ruins of a free government ? 

Let any honest, fair-minded citizen look at the three con- 
spicuous objects now in the field of our vision, and say which is 
most agreeable to the eye of a true American. There is 

1. The party of Southern slaveholders and aristocrats who 
have staked their all upon the destruction of our Constitution 
and Government. 

2. There are base and truckling sympathizers at the North, 
who prate about Federal encroachments, and cajole their 
disciples with discourses on the peril of State Rights, but 
have no word of cheer for soldiers and sailors who are giving 
their hearts' blood to save these very men from the horrors of 
anarchy ! And 

3. We see the great body of the people in twenty-four of 
our sovereign States animated with a true patriotism, and de- 
termined to protect the Government of the United States in all 
its prerogatives, and the territory of the United States in all its 
integrity. Let us never forget that our nation has no life apart 
from its Constitutional Government. 



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